Overall observation

His Excellency (H.E.), The President, Advocate Duma Boko opened his 2^nd State of the Nation Address with words attributed to John Heywood: “Rome was not built in a day”. Originally derived from a 1190 medieval French poem, later as Erasmus’ collection of Latin proverbs and subsequently translated by Richard Taverner in 1545, a few months before John Heywood. So, it is no surprise that the UDC government, like any democracy, has been given a head start. Benefiting from the historical fiscal stewardship, democratisation and mineral beneficiation of the country. Similarly, many policies and initiatives it has upheld and kept from previous administrations. Such as the importing of cows (from a different country), public facility digitalisation, schools that were already under construction and a revised version of the Bonno Housing Scheme. The latter part of Heywood’s quote is viewed as a variation from the original phrase. Resembling H.E.’s own path away from his predecessors. This is reflected in his prose and approach, weaving poetic references as if an understudy of former president Thabo Mbeki. This is important to acknowledge given the reprimanding he has been doing in recent weeks. 

The theme calls for patience. Having the establishment of Rome, implying a grandiose in the building of a future Empire in the Mediterranean. In place of then Rome’s need for strengthening defence, resources and influence (culture, ideology, imperialism) – we are yet to understand H.E.’s priorities outside of economic growth and wealth building. It leaves the question on why our own history is not worthy of his eloquence and soliloquy. Botswana has a rich legacy in solidarity, social justice and democratisation against a backdrop of apartheid, colonialism and conflict post-independence. This tone, phrasing and utility of old English history can only present a vision through a Western lens. A call for the country to rally behind history, nuance and intellect through the gaze of authors and philosophers that probably enslaved people, exploited Africa and forcibly claimed the intellectual property of unsung heroes of the global majority. Extrapolating to the current moment, it would only be prudent to question why statements made in other forums in recent months – implied an end to a welfare-prone Botswana and a perpetual need for money.

Dignity remains deferred for the country’s majority: young people. Referred to in abstract whilst recognising their potential for economic utility. Rather than future labour, unfulfilled promises and poor coordination of interventions have little evidence of commitment to changing the status quo we illuminated from the last SONA. The checklist of human rights related achievements imply that there is an endpoint or absolute fulfilment of such. Yet, we are yet to see the full realisation and test of the universality and indivisibility of human rights of other indigenous families, aging people with disabilities and the missing proportion of elderly or unwell who are not accommodated. Human rights cannot be selectively applied and deemed an achievement when gaps remain in GBV, mental health, poverty, gender affirmative health, legal gender recognition, income disparities, equality and non-discrimination. The positives are demonstrated by political will and public engagement. These include the commitment to universal health coverage, positive climate related governance and internationally oriented economic interventions.

From our last SONA Review

• Unemployment remains a challenge, particularly in data mining and leveraging for interventions, including accounting for the latest initiatives in economic and long-term development frameworks. The focus on only 1000 (and subsequently 10000) of those deemed worthy negates the human rights principles government committed to. Especially against a backdrop of high levels of unemployed graduates, out-of-school youth and those that might not be deemed “promising”.  However, a positive development reflecting prioritisation through the Presidential Youth Empowerment Campaign with UN agencies. Current interventions reflect a diverse commitment to skills building. 

• This positive should be complimented by structural interventions that enable young people to apply themselves in agency, rather than the limited opportunities availed that might not match their skillset or ambitions. Not all youth are interested in agriculture or were trained for textiles. If narrow avenues for opportunity are availed, in the least – value chains should be incentivised to widen possibilities. For example, if the state focuses on textiles/manufacturing, some enablement through partnership could unlock other opportunities in the value chain – be it waste management, logistics, byproduct beneficiation or support services.

• Reviewing the social protection ecosystem is a welcome development. A single social registry will avoid manipulation and duplication whilst hopefully widening the net of eligibility. Similarly, pronouncements that include electoral promises are welcome. We hope citizen participation will be encouraged in the review, monitoring and evaluation of these interventions. We hope the poxy means testing will accommodate vulnerabilities that aggravate inequity and poverty. Noting successes in using the multidimensional poverty index, recognising care work and gender mainstreaming.

• Significant inroads in decentralising the public health system, working towards national health insurance and invoking a state of public health emergency are all positives. However, the universal health screening is yet to be implemented despite being passed in parliament. Also, there is no impact review on the state of public health emergency. Material changes on the ground, client experiences and universality, remain elusive. 

• The need to break monopolies, democratise market access, and build circular local economies remain. Focus on foreign direct investment (FDI) and large-scale projects neglect citizen participation, empowerment and economic diversification efforts. Especially when Global FDI reduced by 11% in 2024 and is projected to reduce by 6% this year. Creating a bigger challenge to ensuring capital inflows. Global markets, geopolitics and foreign policy amidst COVID-19, war, cost-of-living crises in western countries compromise the consistency or sustainability of foreign direct investment. Whereas domestic and regional trade, particularly informal markets, remain resilient (even when subdued) regardless of socioeconomically compromised moments. Cooperatives, informal sector strengthening, and micro-enterprise ecosystems remain neglected.

• Land reform, gender inequity, universal human rights and civic participation without reprimand or reprisals remain gaps.

Substantive issues aligned to Success Capital’s advocacy priorities

• The President citing over 14000 GBV cases in 2024 with 32% attributed to children as victims demands more than just presidential mention. This is an annual figure of people who have been harmed, added to 2 in 3 women that have experienced GBV in their lifetime – half a decade later after the national GBV report revealed this. It translates to missed days at work or school, lengthy follow up processes for justice, and trauma that can impact one’s life or stunt early development. It equates to at least 38 reports a day or the equivalent of at least 3 national airline ATR 72-600 plane crashes a per week. Similarly, equating to at least one modern bus accident/break down every two days along the Gaborone-Johannesburg route. It reflects how overburdened police stations and public health facilities are – recognising that many cases are not reported at both service delivery points. That these are only reported and not adjudicated on. Further reflecting the gap of our long-standing call for the release of Botswana Police Service Annual Reports and Crime Statistics report that pre-date the statistics presented by H.E. Our demands remain clear. 

GBV is a moral and social failure, but also a human rights violation and crime. It does not need moral persuasion for legal remedy or justice. This terminology feeds into the barriers of reporting and family-level accountability, where victims are silenced in the interest of abusive breadwinners or “batho ba tla reng”. It also sets the tone for others in society to adopted and reiterate in their spheres of influence, leaving a ripple effect in the disregard and erasure of survivors that still navigate trauma. The structural nature of GBV and state’s responsibility (human rights & crime) should remain the focus and priority, rather than continuously shifting narratives that enable and validate perpetrators of GBV. Including in the workplace, church, law enforcement and other private and public spaces. It is a superficial and deflective use of language that ignores the deep, historical, and institutional nature of GBV. Morality blames individuals and communities whilst ignoring the country’s legal, political, cultural, religious, and economic systems that devalue women, girls and diverse groups that bear the brunt of violence.

• Human rights remain selectively applied. Our communities, LGBTIQ+, sex workers, youth with disabilities along with other young people and grassroots communities in underserved areas remain neglected. Equal opportunity, safety from violence, intimidation and exclusion from decision making spaces continue. No mention of civic participation reforms in child protection, gender and village development committees. One clear and easy pathway that could strengthen inclusive public participation. Similarly, referring to legislative interventions whilst excluding the procedural removal of text that criminalised same-sex intimacy leaves room for inconsistent political will in the respect for human rights. Decriminalisation does not equate to guarantees of equality and non-discrimination. Similarly, it does not equate to promotion, rather the protection of human rights. Civil society remain an afterthought.

The singular viewpoint of references to gender further reflect rigidity that is not reflective of the aspirations of a democracy or immutableness of the rule of law. Allowing for jurisprudence to continuously improve the human rights situation of vulnerable groups has never stopped other arms of government to do the same. Especially when equality should apply for all without bias, stigma or discrimination. Ignoring intersecting struggles and vulnerabilities will only perpetuate the deep-seated institutionalised nature of violence that affects marginalised groups in different ways – contrasting Botswana’s regional commitment to human rights for all. A rights-based approach remains abstract in the lived experiences of those who are far from decision making power. Ensuring they are included, ensures ALL Batswana are included. Botswana should set an example and also sign the African Union Convention on Ending Violence Against Women and Girls as its working on a GBV law.

• Reference to UDC’s election manifesto as a social contract with Batswana is welcome. This changes the tone of public pronouncements and previous engagements that avoided accountability and transparency when Batswana called for it. As a reminder, there are select electoral promises that are yet to be fulfilled:

• ”Create an equitable, dynamic, and diversified economy with an annual growth rate of at least 10%”, do the BETP and NDP 12 reflect this?  

• ”Set up a grant fund system for the informal sector, and a sector fund (equity and debt funds) system”, which chema chema grant conversions remain with previous beneficiaries with no mention of those who were excluded or those who can apply in future

• ”Dismantle the constitutional dictatorship by drafting a new constitution and ensuring access to affordable justice for all.” and “commit to assuring human rights, dignity for all and specifically application of these principles for women to be guaranteed by the Constitution. The rights to equity, personal respect and principles of dignity embedded in the application enhanced national principles of Botho, through the establishment of a Bill of Rights as a central core of the revised Constitution of Botswana”. The piecemeal approach to exclusively setting up a Constitutional Court without public consultation, broader engagement and a “holistic” approach (consistent with that in GBV related reforms) remains questionable. In the words of its manifesto, it is a continuation of constitutional dictatorship. Reflective of H.E.’s marks of being self-sufficient, well read and self-engaging on presidential matters/visits. 

Electoral and procurement reforms would have been timely opportunities for public health and by-elections. To date, a general elections report is not available – more than a year after the elections. An unprecedented and worrying occurrence from the norm. More glaringly, 2021’s Sexual Offenders Registry Act remains a low hanging fruit without any legal barrier for implementation – a clear lack of political will. The Inter-Ministerial Committee on GBV and the National Gender Commission provide little transparency, accountability and citizen participation mechanisms in their respective efforts.

NOTABLY

• “Confront GBV by establishing a capable, ethical and developmental state which guarantees safety and security for all its citizens.” 

• “Institute a gender fair national strategic plan against GBV and femicide.” Appropriately appealing to women who made up 54% of eligible voters.

• “Re-introduce school sports and renovate all school playgrounds and reward sports teachers appropriately” – along with a majority that are neglected.  

• “Establish an independently managed fund by devoting 1% of annual national budget to NGOs, CSOs and retired persons development programs.” – along with all that are neglected.

• “Ensure sustained support and advocacy for the freedom of oppressed people of the world and openly condemn bad governance and undemocratic elections in any country” – nothing on Cameroon, Côte d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Madagascar, the Sahel, Sudan, Tanzania, Zimbabwe, or Uganda. 

This reflects the government’s failure to act on its own electoral promises. A perpetual breach of social contract as it perpetuates the very patriarchal structures articulated in its manifesto. Delays enabling perpetual violence and state complicity. It has prolonged gender inequality and injustices that were well articulated without disregard, rebuke or infantilising. This alone reflects a contradiction in values and leadership. The role of civil society and private media in raising awareness, strengthening public discourse and sharing information in the general elections process cannot be understated. The continued engagement over the past year is a continuation of that role without the dedicated resources for it. Government should not be selective or elitist in how it creates a conducive and enabling environment for civil society and private media. Similarly, the concerns of Batswana that would be shared online are just as legitimate as the votes exercised a year ago.

Government should be responsive to feedback from Batswana, regardless of the who, how and when feedback is relayed. A sign of this is reflected in the World Bank Group Country Opinion Survey, which engaged different stakeholders between April and June 2025. A majority these were government (40%), civil society (20%), private sector (11%), media (10%) and academia (8%). The survey found the following: a) stakeholders felt that reforms were slow or failing because of inadequate government accountability (55%), capacity (41%), or corruption (39%); b) government and private sector respondents identified market size/demand (60%) and access to finance (54%) as the biggest main challenges to private sector development. Advising for “more inclusive engagement with stakeholders, especially outside the government, to ensure that projects are locally relevant, evidence-based, and widely supported.” Reflective of broader society, civil society programming and political will; only 31% of potential participants completed the survey – mostly coming from Gaborone (96%). 

• Youth empowerment and creative industry

Botswana, along with Morrocco and Somalia, are the only countries that have not signed or ratified the African Youth Charter. Almost 5 years later after the national youth forum, government has not achieved equity in health, ensured community participation in social protection, or ensured youth as co-creators and designers of state interventions that impact them. Keeping the Botswana National Youth Council as a department/unit rather than an independent agency for and by young people is reflective of the government’s approach to youth: infantilising, stripped of power for meaningful transformation and reduced to being beneficiaries of state benevolence rather than as a majority constituent, national asset and independently accountable to those most impacted. Similarly reflected in how its primary custodian is uniquely shielded from public accountability or concern. Reflecting ageism, colourism and misogyny as other state custodians that have received similar concerns and calls for accountability have not received the same protection from the President.

The increased investment in creative arts is a positive development. Resourcing should be allocated to ensuring social protection for creatives, including content creators. This should inspire global competitiveness rather than domestic complacence. Ensuring talent is nurtured and nourished towards unlocking other opportunities for revenue generation and sustainability beyond state intervention. There should be multiple sector avenues for collaboration aimed at strengthening human development. For example, the state should be facilitating collaboration between a) creative arts, entertainment and civil society community health campaigns to reduce non-communicable diseases, strengthen preventative health screenings and health information dissemination, b) creative arts, entertainment to work with sports, basic education, higher education and tribal administration departments in human rights literacy and GBV education drives supported by civil society expertise and c) creative arts, entertainment to work with consumer protection, ombudsman and legal aid to improve civic participation, knowledge and engagement.

• Climate 

H.E. has ensured strong leadership and a comprehensive climate governance progress. This is a welcome commitment to addressing climate change. This should reflect in climate negotiations at regional and global levels, particularly in loss and damage. Botswana’s First Adaptation Communication to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) flagged that “there is no policy and legal framework that create an environment where an emphasis is based on youth-centred adaptation programmes” in 2022, correctly diagnosing what should have been implemented from 2020 or considered in 2019. Notably no mention of youth in Botswana’s 2^nd Updated Nationally Determined Contribution under the Paris Agreement by 2024. The 2025 report on the UNFCC website for Botswana is actually the 2022 report. This reflects a lack of meaningful coordination, attention to detail and poor reporting mechanisms on climate and youth related issues. It further confirms how young people are not a priority in retrospect of state programming, policy making and enablement.

The plastic levy had too many challenges. The ban on single-use plastics is a welcome development, along with the national clean-up campaign. This also aligns with improving Ipelegeng towards public works. Village Development Committees should be working with local business, elected leadership and their communities to ensure coordination, climate education and monitoring the socioeconomic impact of a clean environment. This should lay a foundation for more recreational spaces as alternatives to activities that include/rely on substance use. The built environment across all public and private spaces should ensure climate resilient and disability friendly infrastructure and equipment.

This year’s flooding incidents reflect the need to improve public and private water management system, including drainage. Also, for public spaces and transport to be disability friendly during rains and times of crisis. The country’s disaster management responses need to be inclusive. Government should have sought out funding mechanisms such as the pandemic fund – especially with the state of public health emergency. These kinds of funds, including those mentioned by H.E., are strengthened by the inclusion of civil society beyond just consultation. This also ensures civil society can seek out complimentary/innovative funding mechanisms and technical support. It would create a salient environment for social entrepreneurs and multi-country financing.  Resilience building in climate is linked with reproductive, public health, disaster management and institutional resourcing.

• The freedoms of expression, assembly and association

Batswana have always exercised agency in times of crisis, injustice or uproar. The outcomes of 2024’s general election reflects that. To state that a specific party “gave Batswana their voice back” when it is the civic participation, agency and mobilisation of Batswana that changed leadership is disingenuous. It strips those who exercised agency, independently funded civic participation, volunteered and advocated for change/human rights/justice/democracy the dignity and regard for their contributions the country’s democratisation. Batswana support media freedom despite being 81st out of 180 countries in ranking. There has been little change since, if not deterioration. The law remains the same, limiting the right to free speech on public health,  public  security, public  order, public morality and national defence. Despite these, there has been an improvement of the enabling environment – increasing public discourse and dissent expected in any democracy. The reduction of police brutality is a worrisome structural and social risk that remains – regardless of who holds office. It creates a sustained fear of reprisals, brutality and impunity as there are no legal safeguards to prevent/secure redress from brutality – neither are there safeguards for independent citizen oversight. 

A gap and demand we are reiterating, in line with the concluding observations of the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights (ACHPR). 

Furthermore, Success Capital fully supports the ACHPR’s observations on the above freedoms: 

“10.  Botswana should:

Revise the Cybercrime and Related Crimes Act to ensure that the law is in line with the Declaration of Principles on Freedom of Expression in Africa and does not impose restrictions on the freedom of expression;

Repeal criminal defamation laws which impede freedom of speech in accordance with the Commission’s Resolution ACHPR/Res.169 (XLVIII)10 on Repealing Criminal Defamation Laws in Africa;

Amend the Botswana Communication Regulatory Authority Act to explicitly allow the licensing and regulation of community broadcasters and produce policies to that effect as well as initiate public awareness of community broadcasting and its benefits;

Amend the Botswana Communication Regulatory Authority (BOCRA) Act to provide for the regulation of the state broadcaster and consider transforming the state broadcaster into a public service broadcaster;

Enact a Freedom of Information Act which reflects international best practice.

11.  Botswana should initiate legislative and other measures to promote and protect the rights of Human Rights Defenders, in conformity with the African Charter, the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders, the Kigali and Grand Bay Declarations, in addition to other regional and international human rights instruments which guarantee the right to freedom of association and assembly.

The right to participate in the conduct of public affairs

12.  Botswana should enact equality legislation or policy and affirmative action programmes aimed at encouraging the political participation of women, persons with disabilities and ethnic minorities in efforts to increase their representation in various organs of government, especially political bodies such as parliament.”

Broader structural elements worth noting

Botswana’s foreign policy enjoyed little accountability and engagement historically. Whilst stable in multilateral engagement, it has enjoyed cycles of prominence on the backdrop of economic growth and HIV under former President Mogae, less focus under former President Khama and revitalisation under former President Masisi. This has continued with less clarity, stability and coordination under President Boko. Permanent representative deployment, multilateral negotiations and foreign missions seem to have been on autopilot or rather focused on politically led engagements initially with conventional partners such as the US, the Swiss, Qatari and subsequently unconventional ones such as Estonia, Hungary, and Oman. The diaspora remains an untapped resource for remittances, skills transfer and incentivisation towards economic diversification investment. Little effort has resulted in unfortunate media reports on sex work, human trafficking and social media conflicts. This presents a gap for ensuring consistency and culture building beyond Botswana’s borders. 

Botswana is not represented at the ongoing 3^rd session of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee on the UN Framework Convention on International Tax Cooperation. Missing an opportunity to redefine and curb illicit financial flows, address tax avoidance and ensure continuity in global multilateral engagement. There is no evidence that Botswana participated at the 4^th International Conference on Financing for Development but did participate in the 16th session of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTD16) without much feedback for citizens to appreciate, like most foreign engagements. More recent successes include holding the Presidencies of UN ECOSOC and the World Health Assembly lost the opportunity to showcase civil society partnership and engagement. As member states ensure their civil society, citizens and partners are well positioned in multilateral spaces. Notably, including ensuring participation in the UN’s Youth delegate, junior and young professionals programmes that safeguard Batswana in multilateral institutions. Concerted efforts in this regard would further compliment and align with the country’s candidacy for the UN Security Council. 

Botswana’s role within the region has been demonstrated through assuming leadership in initiatives such as the African Leaders Malaria Alliance. Contributions to regional economic communities and multilateral institutions should be prioritised. This would clarify the country’s influence in strengthening regional human rights, citizen accountability and peace and security. More especially when climate, domestic conflict, terrorism and corruption have ripple effects on trade, investment and public health. Improving democratisation and institution building within the region would mean a) less migration, b) better trade integration and c) collaborative opportunities for Africa’s young population across all sectors. It would also position Botswana as an alternative for civil society and development headquarters. Investing in civil society enablement and ecosystems can contribute towards reducing employment, strengthening tourism and unlocking development-related economic activity. 

The potential for MICE (Meetings, Incentives, Conferences, and Exhibitions) infrastructure remains untapped. Skewed towards the capital city with little enablement for other tourist value chains to accommodate and compliment – including aviation partner agreements/routes/affordability/loyalty programmes, common/universal standards of accommodation options backed by sound regulatory and safeguarding oversight for consumers, along with an unclear tourism strategy (to accommodate transit value chains, diverse cyclical trends for different markets/demographics and diversified stable/safe/reliable public transport options). Where available, awareness raising and availability of this information is not wide reaching. Investment and cooperation in these ecosystems would resemble that of a high-income country. Reflecting a measure that isn’t just limited to economic metrics, but rather social, service delivery and infrastructural indicators of accessible, stable and enabling public spaces and systems.

Conclusion

The SONA provided a clear understanding of where government stands on enabling gender inequities, the lack universality of human rights for all and an improved climate governance framework. The biggest winners from this SONA were Batswana. Increased dialogue, critique and opinions reflect increased civic participation and interest in the development, economy and wellbeing of the country. This should be sustained in Kgotla meetings, mainstream civil society engagements, department meetings across government and private sector offices, member of parliament and councillor constituency offices. Batswana must demand action and independent citizen-led oversight from their elected leaders. There should be additional insights and opportunities for engagement through the Ministry of Finance budget consultations that started during the 12^th parliament. This should ensure continuity and improve accountability for Batswana to meaningfully participate and contribute towards the country’s development trajectory. 

About Us: Success Capital is a youth led, managed and serving grassroots organisation with national, regional and global impact. Working in the nexus of human rights and sustainable development, we serve intersectionally marginalised grassroots communities through community health referral services, participatory research, upskilling workshops, human rights trainings, multi-stakeholder engagements , policy influencing, storytelling through documentaries, sexual and reproductive health and rights advocacy, media engagement and parallel reporting at the African Commission on Human and People’s Rights, African Peer Review Mechanism and the  United Nations mechanisms in Geneva and New York. We have donated over 190,000 sanitary pads, over 50 mattresses and 750 basic hygiene care packages. We have trained over 900 traditional, civil society, local government and elected leaders on human rights issues, reached communities through our various initiatives as far as Chukumuchu, Shakawe, Gumare, Sehithwa, Maun, Masunga, Charleshill, Kachikau, Kasane, Kazungula, Nata, Tshesebe, Tsamaya, Ramokgwebana, Francistown, Tutume, Mookane, Goodhope, Jwaneng, Ghanzi, Tsabong and Greater Gaborone.